The following will deal essentially with the first set of coups (successful and failed) in Africa with more emphasis on Nigeria
1. 1952: Military coup in Egypt
2. 1958: Military coup in Sudan
3. 1963: Military coup in Togo
4. 1965: Military coup in the Central African Republic
5. 1966: Military coup in Ghana
6. 1966: Military coup in Nigeria leading to end of first republic, Aguiyi-
Ironsi comes to power
7. 1966 (July): Military coup in Nigeria. Yakubu Gowon comes to power.
8. 1967 : Military coup in Gabon
9. 1969: Colonel Qadhafi overthrows a monarchy in Libya
10. 1971: Military coup in Uganda led by Idi Amin.
11. 1975: Military coup in Nigeria overthrows Gowon. Murtala Ramat Mohammed
comes to power.
12. 1976: Failed coup attempt in Nigeria. Murtala Ramat Mohammed killed
but Obasanjo survives and becomes head of state.
13. 1980: Military coup in Liberia
14. 1982: Failed coup in Kenya by the Kenya Air Force
15. 1983: Military palace coup in Nigeria. Second republic overthrown.
16. 1985: Military coup in Nigeria. Babangida replaces Buhari.
17. 1990: Failed coup attempt in Nigeria led by Col. Orkar
Saturday, August 21, 2010
Wednesday, August 18, 2010
COUP D'ETAT (1) - An Introduction, Brief Overview and Types
A coup d'état also known as a coup, putsch, and overthrow—is the sudden unconstitutional deposition of a government, usually by a small group of the existing state establishment—typically the military—to replace the deposed government with another body; either civil or military. A coup d'état succeeds when the usurpers establish their legitimacy if the attacked government fails to thwart them, by allowing their (strategic, tactical, political) consolidation and then receiving the deposed government's surrender; or the acquiescence of the populace and the non-participant military forces.Maxwell Imarhiagbe (2005) adds that Coup de Etat, in its lowest term is the sudden change of government through the force of arm, which can be occasioned by the military backed and sponsored by internal and external forces in the background, hence Coups have long been part of political tradition; thus tactically, a coup usually involves control of some active portion of the military while neutralizing the remainder of a country's armed services. This active group captures or expels leaders, seizes physical control of important government offices, means of communication, and the physical infrastructure, such as streets and power plants. The coup succeeds if its opponents fail to dislodge the plotters, allowing them to consolidate their position, obtain the surrender or acquiescence of the populace and surviving armed forces, and claim legitimacy, therefore, the mere mention of coup d’etat, the unconstitutional and violent overthrow of incumbent governments, sends down shivers and evokes traumatic memories from any country’s nationals.
Military Coup d’etat, as Harvey Kebschull noted, is a speedily executed extralegal takeover of government by a conspiratorial group, usually consisting of military officers who use force or the threat of force to remove the government and assume power for itself. Samuel Huntington provided three classifications of coups: Break-through Coups; Veto Coups; and Guardian coups. Mike Hough and Pieter Esterhuysen provided three classifications of military regimes when coups are successful: Indirect Rule Regimes; Dual Rule Regimes; and Direct Military Regimes.
There are several explanations for coups. For instance, Morris Janowitz offered the Corporatist interpretations; while Samuel Huntington proffered the Structuralist view (ineffectual or lack of viable democratic institutions). Samuel Finer on the other hand attempted to mesh both the corporatist and structuralist views. Over all coups happen because of a mix of political, economic, ethnic, cultural, military and personal factors. Therefore, except in very few cases, it is difficult to pinpoint why certain conspiratorial groups prefer this extralegal and extrajudicial method of gaining control of state apparatus.
In Coup d'État: A Practical Handbook, military historian Edward Luttwak says, "A coup consists of the infiltration of a small, but critical, segment of the state apparatus, which is then used to displace the government from its control of the remainder", thus, armed force (either military or paramilitary) is not a defining feature of a coup d'état. Although the coup d'état has featured in politics since antiquity, the phrase is of relatively recent coinage; the Oxford Dictionary identifies it as a French expression meaning a “stroke of State”. In 1646, James Howell used the phrase in the book Louis XIII; the first English usage dates from 1811, referring to Napoleon Bonaparte's deposing the Revolutionary Directory in 1799.
Successful coupists reap the positive reward of their "risky business" by assuming the mantle of leadership; while those who fail are charged with treason. The penalty for failed coups is generally very severe. It can lead to lose of career, government imposed or self-imposed exile, long-term imprisonment, or even death.
Coups may fail because of a combination of reasons:
(1) the intelligence services of the government may detect the coup in its infancy; (2) there may be a "rat" within the group;
(3) a friendly foreign intelligence service may detect the coup in its planning stage and inform the targeted government;
(4) the officers that were not co-opted may resist the coups and repel the "invading forces";
(5) one of the vital units may not reach its intended destination;
(6) loyal government troop may repel the coupists; and
(7) and in rare cases, the general public or the international community may protest the coup, condemn the coupist and refuse to recognize the "new government" thereby forcing the renegade soldiers to return to the barracks. For instance the coup in Sao Tome and Principe "failed" because of Nigeria and the international community’s objection to the overthrow of the incumbent government.
Definition and Usage of the Term
Since the unsuccessful coups d'état of Wolfgang Kapp in 1920 (the Kapp Putsch), the Swiss German word Putsch (pronounced [ˈpʊtʃ]; coined for the Züriputsch of 1839) also denotes the same politico-military actions: in Metropolitan France, putsch denoted the 1942 and 1961 anti-government attacks in Algiers, and the 1991 August Putsch in the USSR; the German equivalent is Staatsstreich (state's blow), yet a putsch is not always a coup d'état, for example, the Beer Hall Putsch was by politicians without military support. The well reported and popular Nigeria putsches of Feb. 13, 1976 led by Col. Bukar Sukar Dimka and the Bloody coup of April 22, 1990 led by Major Gideon Orkar are vivid examples in Africa
However, linguistically, coup d'état denotes a "stroke of state" (French: coup [stroke] d' [of] État [state]).Analogously, the looser, quotidian usage means “gaining advantage on a rival”, (intelligence coup, boardroom coup). Politically, a coup d'état is a usually violent political engineering, which affects who rules in the government, without radical changes in the form of the government, the political system. Tactically, a coup d'état involves control, by an active minority of military usurpers, who block the remaining (non-participant) military's possible defence of the attacked government, by either capturing or expelling the politico-military leaders, and seizing physical control of the country's key government offices, communications media, and infrastructure. It is to be noted that in the latest years there has been a broad use of the phrase in mass media, which may contradict the legal definition of coup d'état.
General History
Coups d'état are common in Africa; between 1952 and 2000, thirty-three countries experienced 85 such depositions. Western Africa had most of them, 42; most were against civil regimes; 27 were against military regimes; and only in five were the deposed incumbents killed. Moreover, as a change-of-government method, the incidence of the coup d'état has declined worldwide, because usually, the threat of one suffices to effect the change of government; the military do not usually assume power, but install a civil leader acceptable to them. The political advantage is the appearance of legitimacy, examples are the collapse of the French Fourth Republic, and the change of government effected in Mauritania, on 3 August 2005, while the president was in Saudi Arabia
Types of Coup d'état
A coup d'état is typed according to the military rank of the lead usurper. The Veto coup d'état and the Guardian coup d'état are effected by the army's commanding officers. The Breakthrough coup d'état is effected by junior officers (colonels or lower rank) or non-commissioned officers (sergeants). When junior officers or enlisted men so seize power, the coup d'état is a mutiny with grave implications for the organizational and professional integrity of the military. In a Bloodless coup d'état, the threat of violence suffices to depose the incumbent. In 1889, Brazil became a republic via bloodless coup; in 1999, Pervez Musharraf assumed power in Pakistan via a bloodless coup; and, in 2006, Sonthi Boonyaratglin assumed power in Thailand as the leader of the Council for Democratic Reform under Constitutional Monarchy. See nonviolent revolution.
The self-coup denotes an incumbent government—aided and abetted by the military—assuming extra-constitutional powers. A historical example is President, then Emperor, Louis Napoléon Bonaparte. Modern examples include Alberto Fujimori, in Peru, who, although elected, assumed control of legislature and the judiciary in 1992, becoming an authoritarian ruler, and King Gyanendra's assumption of “emergency powers” in Nepal.
The political scientist Samuel P. Huntington identifies three classes of coup d'état:
• Breakthrough coup d'état: a revolutionary army overthrows a traditional government and creates a new bureaucratic élite. Generally led by mid level or junior officers. Examples are China in 1911, Bulgaria in 1944, Egypt in 1952, Greece in 1967, Libya in 1969 and Liberia in 1980.
• Guardian coup d'état: the "musical chairs" coup d'état. The stated aim of such a coup is usually improving public order, efficiency, and ending corruption. There usually is no fundamental change to the power structure. Generally, the leaders portray their actions as a temporary and unfortunate necessity. An early example is the coup d'état by Consul Sulla, in 88 B.C., against supporters of Marius in Rome, after the latter attempted to strip him of a military command. A contemporary instance is the civilian Prime Minister of Pakistan Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's overthrow by Chief of Army Staff General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq in 1977, who cited widespread civil disorder and impending civil war as his justification. In 1999, General Pervez Musharraf overthrew Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif on the same grounds. Nations with guardian coups can frequently shift back and forth between civilian and military governments. Example countries include Argentina (1930 to 1983), Pakistan, Turkey, and Thailand. A “bloodless coup” usually arises from the Guardian coup d'état.
• Veto coup d'état: occurs when the army vetoes the people's mass participation and social mobilisation in governing themselves. In such a case, the army confronts and suppresses large-scale, broad-based civil opposition, tending to repression and killing, the prime example in Marxist historiography is the coup d'état in Chile in 1973 against the elected Socialist President Salvador Allende Gossens by the Chilean military. The 20 July 1944 plot by parts of the German military to overthrow the elected National Socialist government of Adolf Hitler in Germany is an example of a failed veto coup d'état.
Post-military-coup governments
After the coup d'état, the military face the matter of what type of government to establish. In Latin America, it was common for the post-coup government to be led by a Junta, a committee of the chiefs of staff of the armed forces. A common form of African post-coup government is the setting up of Ruling Councils, a de facto highest legislative and executive laws making body which they name according to different shades of ideologies of the coupists or what they intend to achieve, like in Nigeria, Supreme Military Council; Armed Forces Ruling Council; and Provisional Ruling Council or Revolutionary Assembly, a quasi-legislative body elected by the army. In Pakistan, the military leader typically assumes the title of chief martial law administrator.
According to Huntington, most leaders of a coup d'état act under the concept of right orders: they believe that the best resolution of the country's problems is merely to issue correct orders. This view of government underestimates the difficulty of implementing government policy, and the degree of political resistance to certain correct orders. It presupposes that everyone who matters in the country shares a single, common interest, and that the only question is how to pursue that single, common interest.
Military Coup d’etat, as Harvey Kebschull noted, is a speedily executed extralegal takeover of government by a conspiratorial group, usually consisting of military officers who use force or the threat of force to remove the government and assume power for itself. Samuel Huntington provided three classifications of coups: Break-through Coups; Veto Coups; and Guardian coups. Mike Hough and Pieter Esterhuysen provided three classifications of military regimes when coups are successful: Indirect Rule Regimes; Dual Rule Regimes; and Direct Military Regimes.
There are several explanations for coups. For instance, Morris Janowitz offered the Corporatist interpretations; while Samuel Huntington proffered the Structuralist view (ineffectual or lack of viable democratic institutions). Samuel Finer on the other hand attempted to mesh both the corporatist and structuralist views. Over all coups happen because of a mix of political, economic, ethnic, cultural, military and personal factors. Therefore, except in very few cases, it is difficult to pinpoint why certain conspiratorial groups prefer this extralegal and extrajudicial method of gaining control of state apparatus.
In Coup d'État: A Practical Handbook, military historian Edward Luttwak says, "A coup consists of the infiltration of a small, but critical, segment of the state apparatus, which is then used to displace the government from its control of the remainder", thus, armed force (either military or paramilitary) is not a defining feature of a coup d'état. Although the coup d'état has featured in politics since antiquity, the phrase is of relatively recent coinage; the Oxford Dictionary identifies it as a French expression meaning a “stroke of State”. In 1646, James Howell used the phrase in the book Louis XIII; the first English usage dates from 1811, referring to Napoleon Bonaparte's deposing the Revolutionary Directory in 1799.
Successful coupists reap the positive reward of their "risky business" by assuming the mantle of leadership; while those who fail are charged with treason. The penalty for failed coups is generally very severe. It can lead to lose of career, government imposed or self-imposed exile, long-term imprisonment, or even death.
Coups may fail because of a combination of reasons:
(1) the intelligence services of the government may detect the coup in its infancy; (2) there may be a "rat" within the group;
(3) a friendly foreign intelligence service may detect the coup in its planning stage and inform the targeted government;
(4) the officers that were not co-opted may resist the coups and repel the "invading forces";
(5) one of the vital units may not reach its intended destination;
(6) loyal government troop may repel the coupists; and
(7) and in rare cases, the general public or the international community may protest the coup, condemn the coupist and refuse to recognize the "new government" thereby forcing the renegade soldiers to return to the barracks. For instance the coup in Sao Tome and Principe "failed" because of Nigeria and the international community’s objection to the overthrow of the incumbent government.
Definition and Usage of the Term
Since the unsuccessful coups d'état of Wolfgang Kapp in 1920 (the Kapp Putsch), the Swiss German word Putsch (pronounced [ˈpʊtʃ]; coined for the Züriputsch of 1839) also denotes the same politico-military actions: in Metropolitan France, putsch denoted the 1942 and 1961 anti-government attacks in Algiers, and the 1991 August Putsch in the USSR; the German equivalent is Staatsstreich (state's blow), yet a putsch is not always a coup d'état, for example, the Beer Hall Putsch was by politicians without military support. The well reported and popular Nigeria putsches of Feb. 13, 1976 led by Col. Bukar Sukar Dimka and the Bloody coup of April 22, 1990 led by Major Gideon Orkar are vivid examples in Africa
However, linguistically, coup d'état denotes a "stroke of state" (French: coup [stroke] d' [of] État [state]).Analogously, the looser, quotidian usage means “gaining advantage on a rival”, (intelligence coup, boardroom coup). Politically, a coup d'état is a usually violent political engineering, which affects who rules in the government, without radical changes in the form of the government, the political system. Tactically, a coup d'état involves control, by an active minority of military usurpers, who block the remaining (non-participant) military's possible defence of the attacked government, by either capturing or expelling the politico-military leaders, and seizing physical control of the country's key government offices, communications media, and infrastructure. It is to be noted that in the latest years there has been a broad use of the phrase in mass media, which may contradict the legal definition of coup d'état.
General History
Coups d'état are common in Africa; between 1952 and 2000, thirty-three countries experienced 85 such depositions. Western Africa had most of them, 42; most were against civil regimes; 27 were against military regimes; and only in five were the deposed incumbents killed. Moreover, as a change-of-government method, the incidence of the coup d'état has declined worldwide, because usually, the threat of one suffices to effect the change of government; the military do not usually assume power, but install a civil leader acceptable to them. The political advantage is the appearance of legitimacy, examples are the collapse of the French Fourth Republic, and the change of government effected in Mauritania, on 3 August 2005, while the president was in Saudi Arabia
Types of Coup d'état
A coup d'état is typed according to the military rank of the lead usurper. The Veto coup d'état and the Guardian coup d'état are effected by the army's commanding officers. The Breakthrough coup d'état is effected by junior officers (colonels or lower rank) or non-commissioned officers (sergeants). When junior officers or enlisted men so seize power, the coup d'état is a mutiny with grave implications for the organizational and professional integrity of the military. In a Bloodless coup d'état, the threat of violence suffices to depose the incumbent. In 1889, Brazil became a republic via bloodless coup; in 1999, Pervez Musharraf assumed power in Pakistan via a bloodless coup; and, in 2006, Sonthi Boonyaratglin assumed power in Thailand as the leader of the Council for Democratic Reform under Constitutional Monarchy. See nonviolent revolution.
The self-coup denotes an incumbent government—aided and abetted by the military—assuming extra-constitutional powers. A historical example is President, then Emperor, Louis Napoléon Bonaparte. Modern examples include Alberto Fujimori, in Peru, who, although elected, assumed control of legislature and the judiciary in 1992, becoming an authoritarian ruler, and King Gyanendra's assumption of “emergency powers” in Nepal.
The political scientist Samuel P. Huntington identifies three classes of coup d'état:
• Breakthrough coup d'état: a revolutionary army overthrows a traditional government and creates a new bureaucratic élite. Generally led by mid level or junior officers. Examples are China in 1911, Bulgaria in 1944, Egypt in 1952, Greece in 1967, Libya in 1969 and Liberia in 1980.
• Guardian coup d'état: the "musical chairs" coup d'état. The stated aim of such a coup is usually improving public order, efficiency, and ending corruption. There usually is no fundamental change to the power structure. Generally, the leaders portray their actions as a temporary and unfortunate necessity. An early example is the coup d'état by Consul Sulla, in 88 B.C., against supporters of Marius in Rome, after the latter attempted to strip him of a military command. A contemporary instance is the civilian Prime Minister of Pakistan Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's overthrow by Chief of Army Staff General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq in 1977, who cited widespread civil disorder and impending civil war as his justification. In 1999, General Pervez Musharraf overthrew Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif on the same grounds. Nations with guardian coups can frequently shift back and forth between civilian and military governments. Example countries include Argentina (1930 to 1983), Pakistan, Turkey, and Thailand. A “bloodless coup” usually arises from the Guardian coup d'état.
• Veto coup d'état: occurs when the army vetoes the people's mass participation and social mobilisation in governing themselves. In such a case, the army confronts and suppresses large-scale, broad-based civil opposition, tending to repression and killing, the prime example in Marxist historiography is the coup d'état in Chile in 1973 against the elected Socialist President Salvador Allende Gossens by the Chilean military. The 20 July 1944 plot by parts of the German military to overthrow the elected National Socialist government of Adolf Hitler in Germany is an example of a failed veto coup d'état.
Post-military-coup governments
After the coup d'état, the military face the matter of what type of government to establish. In Latin America, it was common for the post-coup government to be led by a Junta, a committee of the chiefs of staff of the armed forces. A common form of African post-coup government is the setting up of Ruling Councils, a de facto highest legislative and executive laws making body which they name according to different shades of ideologies of the coupists or what they intend to achieve, like in Nigeria, Supreme Military Council; Armed Forces Ruling Council; and Provisional Ruling Council or Revolutionary Assembly, a quasi-legislative body elected by the army. In Pakistan, the military leader typically assumes the title of chief martial law administrator.
According to Huntington, most leaders of a coup d'état act under the concept of right orders: they believe that the best resolution of the country's problems is merely to issue correct orders. This view of government underestimates the difficulty of implementing government policy, and the degree of political resistance to certain correct orders. It presupposes that everyone who matters in the country shares a single, common interest, and that the only question is how to pursue that single, common interest.
Thursday, July 22, 2010
NIGERIA LEADERSHIP Since Independence - Military Governors of Regions (1965 - 1967)
EASTERN REGION
PERIOD - 19 January 1966 - 27 May 1967
GOVERNOR - Lt. Colonel Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu
MID-WESTERN REGION
PERIOD - 19 January 1966 - August 1967
GOVERNOR - Lt. Colonel David Ejoor
REMARK - Continued as governor of Mid-Western State
WESTERN REGION
PERIOD - 19 January 1966 - 29 July 1966 (1)
GOVERNOR - Lt. Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi
REMARK - Died during counter-coup of July 1966
PERIOD - 4 August 1966 - 27 May 1967 (2)
GOVERNOR - Lt. Colonel Robert Adeyinka Adebayo
NORTHERN REGION
PERIOD - 19 January 1966 - 27 May 1967
GOVERNOR - Lt. Colonel Hassan Usman Katsina
NIGERIA LEADERSHIP Since Independence - Governors and Premiers of Regions in the First Republic
EASTERN REGION
PERIOD - Oct 1960 - Jan 1966
GOVERNOR - Sir Francis Akanu Ibiam
PREMIER - Michael Okpara
MID-WESTERN REGION
PERIOD - Aug 1963 - Feb 1964 (1)
GOVERNOR - Dennis Osadebay
PREMIER - Dennis Osadebay
REMARK - Region created from part of Western Region on 8 August 1963
PERIOD - Feb 1964 - Jan 1964 (2)
GOVERNOR - Jereton Mariere
PREMIER - Dennis Osadebay
WESTERN REGION
PERIOD - Oct 1960 - May 1962 (1)
GOVERNOR - Adesoji Aderemi
PREMIER - Samuel Akintola
PERIOD - May 1962 - Dec 1962 (2)
GOVERNOR - Adesoji Aderemi
PREMIER - Moses Majekodunmi (Administrator)
REMARK - Administrator appointed during political crisis
PERIOD - Jan 1963 - Jan 1966 (3)
GOVERNOR - Joseph Fadahunsi
PREMIER - Samuel Akintola
NORTHERN REGION
PERIOD - Oct 1960 – 1962 (1)
GOVERNOR - Sir Gawain Westray Bell
PREMIER - Alhaji Sir Ahmadu Bello
PERIOD - 1962 - Jan 1966 (2)
GOVERNOR - Alhaji Sir Kashim Ibrahim
PREMIER - Alhaji Sir Ahmadu Bello
Nigeria Regions before Independence
Northern Region
The Northern Region was one of Nigeria's federal divisions. It was created before independence in 1960, with its capital at Kaduna. In 1962 it acquired the territory of the British Northern Cameroons, who had voted to become part of Nigeria. In 1967 the region was split into states - Benue-Plateau State, Kano State, Kwara State, North-Central State, North-Eastern State and North-Western State. These would later be renamed and split up themselves. The North Central State's capital was Kaduna, and after further loss of territory is now known as Kaduna State.
Western Region
The Western Region was a subdivision of the federation of Nigeria until 1967. Its capital was at Ibadan. It was established in the 1930s under British rule as a subdivision of the Southern Nigeria colony. Upon independence of Nigeria in 1960, it became one of the members of the federation, along with the Eastern Region and the Northern Region. In 1963, two provinces Benin and Delta were split from the region to form the new Mid-Western Region. In 1967 the regions were abolished and the area was subdivided into Lagos and Western states, which would also later be subdivided
Eastern Region
The Eastern Region was one of Nigeria's federal divisions, dating back originally from the division of the colony Southern Nigeria in 1954. Its capital was Enugu. The region was official divided in 1967 into three new states, East-Central State, Rivers State and South-Eastern State. East-Central State had its capital at Enugu, which is now part of Enugu State. The region was what later became Biafra, which was in rebellion from 1967 to 1970.
Origin of Electoral Commissions in Nigeria
The origin of Electoral bodies in Nigeria can be traced to the period before Independence when the Electoral Commission of Nigeria (ECN) was established to conduct 1959 elections. The Federal Electoral Commission (FEC), established in 1960 conducted the immediate post-independence federal and regional elections of 1964 and 1965 respectively.
The electoral body was however, dissolved after the military coup of 1966. In 1978, a new Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO) was constituted by the regime of General Olusegun Obasanjo. FEDECO organized the elections of 1979, which ushered in the Second Republic under the leadership of Alhaji Shehu Shagari. It also conducted the general elections of 1983.
In December 1995, the military government of General Sani Abacha, which earlier dissolved the National Electoral Commission NEC in 1993, established the National Electoral Commission of Nigeria (NECON), which also conducted another set of elections; Local Government councils to National Assembly. These elected institutions were however not inaugurated before the sudden death of General Abacha, on June 1998 aborted the process. In 1998 General Abdulsalam Abubakar’s Administration dissolved NECON and established the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).
The body organized all transitional elections that ushered in the 4th republic on May 29 1999. It has today repositioned itself to deliver credible elections that would sustain Nigeria’s nascent democracy.
As a permanent body, INEC comprises the workforce recruited since 1997 under the defunct National Electoral Commission (NEC). Its presence has been established in all the 36 states, the Federal Capital Territory as well as in the 774 Local Government Areas of Nigeria.
The electoral body was however, dissolved after the military coup of 1966. In 1978, a new Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO) was constituted by the regime of General Olusegun Obasanjo. FEDECO organized the elections of 1979, which ushered in the Second Republic under the leadership of Alhaji Shehu Shagari. It also conducted the general elections of 1983.
In December 1995, the military government of General Sani Abacha, which earlier dissolved the National Electoral Commission NEC in 1993, established the National Electoral Commission of Nigeria (NECON), which also conducted another set of elections; Local Government councils to National Assembly. These elected institutions were however not inaugurated before the sudden death of General Abacha, on June 1998 aborted the process. In 1998 General Abdulsalam Abubakar’s Administration dissolved NECON and established the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).
The body organized all transitional elections that ushered in the 4th republic on May 29 1999. It has today repositioned itself to deliver credible elections that would sustain Nigeria’s nascent democracy.
As a permanent body, INEC comprises the workforce recruited since 1997 under the defunct National Electoral Commission (NEC). Its presence has been established in all the 36 states, the Federal Capital Territory as well as in the 774 Local Government Areas of Nigeria.
NIGERIA LEADERSHIP Since Independence - Electoral Commission Chairmen till Date
Eyo Esua (1960-1966)
Eyo Ita Esua from Cross River State (South-south), led the first indigenous electoral body in the country. Esua's commission organized the first post-independence federal and regional elections of 1964 and 1965. But the December 1964 election was marred by controversy and confusion which led to a military coup in 1966. The commission was dissolved thereafter.
Michael Ani (1976-1979)
Chief Michael Ani also from Cross River State was appointed in 1976 by the General Olusegun Obasanjo regime as the chairman of the Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO). Ani's commission conducted the election which ushered in the Second Republic government of Alhaji Shehu Shagari. on October 1, 1979. However, the defunct Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), led by late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, rejected the outcome of the election and challenged Shagari's election in court but lost.
Victor Ovie-Whiskey (1983)
Justice Victor Ovie-Whiskey from Delta State (South-south) was appointed by the Shehu Shagari administration in 1983 as chairman of FEDECO. He was seen as upright and non-partisan. At the time of his appointment, he was the Chief Judge of the old Bendel State. The general elections of 1983 which he conducted were however marred by widespread irregularities. Under him, electoral officials were accused of rigging in favour of the then ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN).
Eme Awa (1987-1989)
Prof. Eme Awa, from Abia State (South-east) served as Chairman between 1987 and 1989. He was a professor of Political Science at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka. He resigned his appointment around 1989 over alleged disagreement with former military President Ibrahim Babangida who appointed him.
Humphrey Nwosu (1989-1993)
Professor Humphrey Nwosu from Anambra State (South-east) took over from Awa, his former teacher, and served till 1993. He conducted the June 12 election seen as the freest and fairest election and presumed to have been won by the late Chief Moshood Abiola. It was Nwosu's commission that introduced the novel voting system of Option A4 and Open Ballot System.
Prof. Okon Uya (1993-1994)
A professor history, Uya was appointed by former military President, General Ibrahim Babangida, to conduct a new presidential poll after the annulment of the June 12 election. The defunct NRC and SDP were asked to present new candidates for the new presidential poll. But the crisis that greeted the annulment did not allow Uya room to conduct the election, indeed any election at all before he was removed.
Sumner Dagogo-Jack (1994-1998)
The late General Sani Abacha appointed Chief Sumner Dagogo-Jack from Rivers State (South-south) as the Chairman of the National Electoral Commission of Nigeria (NECON). He served between 1994 and 1998 and conducted elections for the local government councils and the National Assembly. The elected officers were, however, never inaugurated before the sudden death of Abacha in 1998.
Ephraim Akpata (1998-1999)
Justice Ephraim Akpata from Edo State (South-south) was appointed by General Abdulsalami Abubakar's administration in 1998. He registered new political parties in 1999 and conducted the election that ushered in the Obasanjo's government in 1999.
Abel Guobadia (2000-2005)
After Akpata died in January 2000, President Obasanjo appointed Sir Abel Guobadia from Edo State (South-south) as the chairman of the commission. He conducted the election in which Obasanjo secured a second term in office in 2003. The election was also widely condemned by the opposition. In June 2005, Guobadia's tenure expired.
Maurice Iwu (2005-2010)
Professor Maurice Iwu from Imo State (South-east) who succeeded Guobadia in 2005 was perhaps the most controversial of all the nation's umpires. He conducted the 2007 general election characterised by wide spread irregularities. Even the late President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua admitted that the election that made him president in 2007 was flawed. However, the Anambra governorship election last February redeemed the commission's image a little bit. The election was widely regarded as free and fair except for administrative hitches. But Iwu had already lost goodwill and his appointment was not renewed.
Attahiru Jega (2010 - date)
Professor Attahiru Jega was the former Vice Chancellor of the Ado Bayero University in Kano, north-west Nigeria and a political scientist. He was a renowned labour leader, precisely the former President of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) and incidentally was an executive member of the union alongside his predecessor, Iwu, who then was the Publicity Secretary. He drew a long praise and accolades from the public then during his principled and courageous stand on issues bordering the deplorable state of the university education in Nigeria under the government of the Ibrahim Babangida.
Eyo Ita Esua from Cross River State (South-south), led the first indigenous electoral body in the country. Esua's commission organized the first post-independence federal and regional elections of 1964 and 1965. But the December 1964 election was marred by controversy and confusion which led to a military coup in 1966. The commission was dissolved thereafter.
Michael Ani (1976-1979)
Chief Michael Ani also from Cross River State was appointed in 1976 by the General Olusegun Obasanjo regime as the chairman of the Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO). Ani's commission conducted the election which ushered in the Second Republic government of Alhaji Shehu Shagari. on October 1, 1979. However, the defunct Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), led by late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, rejected the outcome of the election and challenged Shagari's election in court but lost.
Victor Ovie-Whiskey (1983)
Justice Victor Ovie-Whiskey from Delta State (South-south) was appointed by the Shehu Shagari administration in 1983 as chairman of FEDECO. He was seen as upright and non-partisan. At the time of his appointment, he was the Chief Judge of the old Bendel State. The general elections of 1983 which he conducted were however marred by widespread irregularities. Under him, electoral officials were accused of rigging in favour of the then ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN).
Eme Awa (1987-1989)
Prof. Eme Awa, from Abia State (South-east) served as Chairman between 1987 and 1989. He was a professor of Political Science at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka. He resigned his appointment around 1989 over alleged disagreement with former military President Ibrahim Babangida who appointed him.
Humphrey Nwosu (1989-1993)
Professor Humphrey Nwosu from Anambra State (South-east) took over from Awa, his former teacher, and served till 1993. He conducted the June 12 election seen as the freest and fairest election and presumed to have been won by the late Chief Moshood Abiola. It was Nwosu's commission that introduced the novel voting system of Option A4 and Open Ballot System.
Prof. Okon Uya (1993-1994)
A professor history, Uya was appointed by former military President, General Ibrahim Babangida, to conduct a new presidential poll after the annulment of the June 12 election. The defunct NRC and SDP were asked to present new candidates for the new presidential poll. But the crisis that greeted the annulment did not allow Uya room to conduct the election, indeed any election at all before he was removed.
Sumner Dagogo-Jack (1994-1998)
The late General Sani Abacha appointed Chief Sumner Dagogo-Jack from Rivers State (South-south) as the Chairman of the National Electoral Commission of Nigeria (NECON). He served between 1994 and 1998 and conducted elections for the local government councils and the National Assembly. The elected officers were, however, never inaugurated before the sudden death of Abacha in 1998.
Ephraim Akpata (1998-1999)
Justice Ephraim Akpata from Edo State (South-south) was appointed by General Abdulsalami Abubakar's administration in 1998. He registered new political parties in 1999 and conducted the election that ushered in the Obasanjo's government in 1999.
Abel Guobadia (2000-2005)
After Akpata died in January 2000, President Obasanjo appointed Sir Abel Guobadia from Edo State (South-south) as the chairman of the commission. He conducted the election in which Obasanjo secured a second term in office in 2003. The election was also widely condemned by the opposition. In June 2005, Guobadia's tenure expired.
Maurice Iwu (2005-2010)
Professor Maurice Iwu from Imo State (South-east) who succeeded Guobadia in 2005 was perhaps the most controversial of all the nation's umpires. He conducted the 2007 general election characterised by wide spread irregularities. Even the late President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua admitted that the election that made him president in 2007 was flawed. However, the Anambra governorship election last February redeemed the commission's image a little bit. The election was widely regarded as free and fair except for administrative hitches. But Iwu had already lost goodwill and his appointment was not renewed.
Attahiru Jega (2010 - date)
Professor Attahiru Jega was the former Vice Chancellor of the Ado Bayero University in Kano, north-west Nigeria and a political scientist. He was a renowned labour leader, precisely the former President of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) and incidentally was an executive member of the union alongside his predecessor, Iwu, who then was the Publicity Secretary. He drew a long praise and accolades from the public then during his principled and courageous stand on issues bordering the deplorable state of the university education in Nigeria under the government of the Ibrahim Babangida.
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